African Federation

on the World Today

THE United Kingdom is initialing a new plan which will lead to the establishment of another Dominion — independent but, like the others, owing allegiance to a single Throne. This plan aims to federate the several British territories of Central Africa—Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia, and Nyasaland — into one economic and political whole, with each retaining the benefits of separate statehood.

Southern Rhodesia, although nominally a colony, has since 1923 been almostly completely self-governing, with a parliament and prime minister of its own. The final word rests with London only in regard to legislation affecting the interests of the indigenous colored inhabitants.

The other two states of the new federation, Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland, have been British protectorates ever since their Bantu chiefs sought shelter and security under the Victorian “Pax Britannica.”At that time, the Barotse savages of Northern Rhodesia were threatened with aggression from their even more warlike southern neighbors, the Matabele, kinsmen of the famed Zulu warriors; while the Nyasaland tribesmen suffered constantly from the depredations of marauding Arab slave traders and the local mercenaries they hired to carry out their press-gang operations.

In Southern Rhodesia, 150,000 square miles in area, live more than 1.5 million Negroes and about 140,000 whites of European stock, some of them recently arrived settlers. In Northern Rhodesia, twice as large in area, live another 1.5 million Negroes and some 40,000 Europeans.

In Nyasaland, the smallest of the three (it is about 48,000 square miles in area, and nearly a quarter of it consists of Lake Nyasa, one of Africa’s largest lakes), there are many more native Africans than in either of the two other territories, some 2.25 millions, but only about 4000 whites.

Thus, without taking into account the growing immigration from the United Kingdom and elsewhere, the proposed federation would contain more than 5 million Negroes and nearly 200,000 whites within a total area of half a million square miles. The present disproportionate balance of white population between Southern Rhodesia and her two northern neighbors arises from the fact that her earlier cession to Great Britain permitted much more extensive development of the vast mineral and other resources of the territory, which even now are only on the threshold of full exploitation.

Plenty of raw materials

So far, gold, chrome, silver, coal, mica, iron, pyrites, limestone, and tungsten have been found there, and some of these have already been produced in considerable quantities. Preliminary explorations have revealed deposits of other valuable metals and minerals. Last year tobacco exports alone were worth $250 million, and huge herds of cattle, sheep, and pigs now thrive on ranches and farms hacked and bulldozed out of the scrubland that forms the natural wild terrain.

In comparison, little has been done in Northern Rhodesia to tap the large-scale industrial resources also known to exist there — except with regard to copper and, to a lesser extent, zinc and lead. Other exports on a fairly substantial scale include tobacco and timber from vast virgin forests.

Nyasaland’s chief products are agricultural— tea, cotton, tobacco, and soybeans among them; and she is her neighbors’ main source of fresh fish. However, the greatest single contribution this protectorate can make to her own and the whole area’s prosperity will be the regular annual flow southwards and westwards of surplus native labor to meet the needs of the growing industries of the two Rhodesias.

If on no other ground, closer association of territories with such complementary economies cannot fail to bring beneficial results to all. Interstate transport and communications can be integrated, and many expensive bureaus and administrative and executive functions now maintained by the separate states can be consolidated for the federation. With a more broadly based economy able to develop its resources in a world of shrinking raw material reserves, there is reason to expect overseas capital investment on a scale not possible while artificial restrictions and hindrances exist.

Black or white supremacy?

Important as are the economic advantages to be gained from linking these dependencies, the much wider political considerations outweigh all else. For none of the three territories can by itself withstand indefinitely either Malan’s creed of permanent white domination and apartheid, or the black supremacy emanating from the northwest coastal belt of Africa.

Neither form of racial nationalism, white or black, takes account of the fact that in Central Africa only partnership can adequately face up to the situation of a multiracial society in which substantial European minorities are securely established. Of necessity the whites must, for some time to come, remain trustees for their colored countrymen, the vast majority of whom are still illiterate and primitive.

Steps toward union

In Central Africa the chief preoccupation of successive British Governments has been to develop a political structure that would safeguard and further the interests of the two main racial sections concerned: a backward native majority on the one hand and a highly developed and vigorous white minority on the other.

The process of groping towards some reasonable settlement really began in the early twenties when the inhabitants of Southern Rhodesia voted in a referendum for greater independence within the framework of British colonial administration, and against joining a Boer-dominated Union of South Africa.

In the intervening years several commissions attempted to work out solutions. One was the idea of outright amalgamation, on lines that were adopted after the Boer War by the four provinces of the present Union of South Africa, and similarly directed towards free Dominion status within the Commonwealth. All such plans, however, proved unacceptable, in view of objections by responsible and articulate colored opinion, sustained by most European officials representing native interests. It was feared that amalgamation and the removal of direct British colonial control might lead on a situation where the European minority would dominate and take advantage of the colored communities, who as time went on would struggle to attain the responsibilities and rights of civilized men. There was also opposition to amalgamation from the European population of Southern Rhodesia, which was apprehensive that it might be swamped by the much more numerous negroid peoples of the two northern protectorates.

The authorities next decided to try a voluntary association solely through an advisory and consultative organ. Historical experience has shown that such constitutional groupings of powers or peoples without some formal or legal sanctions to enforce decisions rarely succeed. And this “Central African Council” was no exception. For example, the requirement that before becoming effective every Council decision had to receive unanimous statutory approval by three entirely separate legislative bodies, owing responsibility to three different electorates, was a millstone in itself.

Blueprint for federation

Hence in 1950 the formation of still another “investigating commission” was announced, and as a result a loose federation was recommended.

In drawing up the federal blueprint much thought has been given, not only to past imperial experience, but also to the division of state and national functions in the Constitution of the United States. Since racial safeguards are so important, the proposed Central African structure will also incorporate many novel features.

First, the protectorate status of Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland will remain unchanged. This will ensure that the native’ most intimate concern, their guaranteed land tenure and inalienable rights to extensive reserved areas, will not come within the federal scope, but will continue, as now, to be the sole responsibility of the Colonial Office in London and the local territorial administrations.

Second, an African Affairs Board, consisting of a chairman and one white and one black member from each territory, is to be created. This board, which will be a standing committee of the federal legislature, will have power to ensure that any proposed federal legislation which might discriminate between white and black to the disadvantage of the latter must, be approved by the United Kingdom Government and Parliament before it can pass into law. Existing legal protections for the backward inhabitants will therefore be preserved.

Third, it is specified that at least six of the thirty-five members of the federal legislature shall be colored Africans, two from each territory.

Fourth, provision is being made lor a general review of the whole federal constitution after a specified term of years, with all governments concerned represented, so that fresh account can be taken of the fair needs of greater direct native African participation in government.

The opposition

Despite all these and many other safeguards incorporated in the federal constitution, opposition continues to be shown to the proposals by some sections of articulate native opinion.

In the main this arises from ign’ rance. For example, there is no Bantu word iorfederation at all. It is difficult to persuade native families to adopt the most elementary health and hygiene precautions devised for their own benefit. And tribal resistance to soil conservation programs persists, even though the locustlike use of the land, in the face of a steadily rising birth rate and a falling death rate, will eventually result in widespread famine.

It is not only ignorance that has to be overcome. The same Red agencies which are active elsewhere are inflaming native distrust by the most blatant misrepresentations. Certain black nationalist extremists, who have seen in the possible attainment of a great multiracial partnership the doom of their own selfish ambitions to inflict local personal dictatorship on their tribes, have been working with these Communist agitators.

On the other hand some European elements oppose federation because they fear that concessions already made to allay native fears will prejudice their own positions and interests. Nevertheless, the British Government is determined to create in Central Africa “a land of equal rights for all civilized men, whatever their colour or creed.”