
Trump’s Grotesque Violation of the First Amendment
The government cannot strip all Americans of their right to assemble, even if some demonstrations are violent.

A special project on the constitutional debates in American life, in partnership with the National Constitution Center
This work was commissioned, produced, and edited by The Atlantic's editorial staff. Support for this work was provided in part by the organizations listed here.
Support for this project was provided by the Madison Initiative of the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation.

The government cannot strip all Americans of their right to assemble, even if some demonstrations are violent.

Trump’s animosity toward protesters he disagrees with is becoming a policy reality on the state level.

The original plaintiff behind Roe v. Wade is more than just a symbol in the abortion rights debate.

The president’s executive order is opportunistic and Orwellian—but that was the whole point.

The president is attempting to bring social-media platforms into his authoritarian infrastructure—or otherwise censor them.

For decades, the department has interpreted the Constitution to err on the side of country first. Now all that has changed.

The Founders didn’t believe that broad delegations of legislative power violated the Constitution, but conservative originalists keep insisting otherwise.

The integrity of prosecution is an executive concern, but it’s a judicial one too.

If the president and the vice president become incapacitated simultaneously, the country could face a constitutional crisis.

The Court will decide whether electors must vote for their party’s candidate, but no matter the answer, the system will still be a disaster.