
How to Stop a War
Congress has a number of tools it can—and should—wield to rein in the president.

A special project on the constitutional debates in American life, in partnership with the National Constitution Center
This work was commissioned, produced, and edited by The Atlantic's editorial staff. Support for this work was provided in part by the organizations listed here.
Support for this project was provided by the Madison Initiative of the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation.

Congress has a number of tools it can—and should—wield to rein in the president.

But it still should matter more than it does.

If Congress fails to respond effectively, the constitutional order will be broken beyond repair, and the president will be left with the unmitigated power to take the country to war on his own—anywhere, anytime, for any reason.

John Adams worried that “a division of the republic into two great parties … is to be dreaded as the great political evil.” And that’s exactly what has come to pass.

What exactly is abuse of power? And, for that matter, what is “obstruction of Congress”?

The country’s armed services can be an important check against lawlessness in the civilian executive. But correcting bad presidential policy is a job the Constitution leaves to Congress.

Groups of citizens regularly exercise the right to assemble, but too often American political and cultural leaders ignore it.

The Twenty-Fifth Amendment was never meant to be used to remove a terrible—albeit alert—president from office. But that’s not what the country has learned from Hollywood.

The Founding Father’s account of the Constitutional Convention includes a famous conversation about causes for impeachment. But the relevant portion of his notes isn’t what it seems.

Dishonesty and disinformation have become regular features of America’s national discourse, but under oath, truth still matters.