Jeffrey Wasserstrom

Commemorations of the dearly departed are a licensed form of popular feeling that can make them dangerous moments for the Communist authorities.

It is high time we have a better sense of what makes the autocratic, muscular-nationalist, order-obsessed strongman in charge of China tick.

The two cities have had shared stresses, balancing radically different ideologies.

Soviet experiences from decades past offer examples for what Beijing may do to quell protests in the city.

The demonstrations have parallels to the Tiananmen Square protests, but the legacy of another event on June 4, 1989, could shape Hong Kong’s future.

Censorship in the country is more complicated than many Westerners imagine.

Four years later, it’s clear that the reforms advocated by 2014’s youth-led, pro-democracy protest movement won’t take shape.

The American author, now based in Cairo, leaves behind an extraordinary collection of books limning the lives of ordinary Chinese people.

The two organizations, often at odds with each other, have a lot in common.

Losing legitimacy might not mean the end of the Communist Party. Past Chinese governments have survived worse.