Questions of the Far East

THE very partial list of recent publications on Asiatic subjects grouped in the note below is an indication of the great interest which exists throughout the world respecting Eastern questions. Probably in no previous period of the history of the human race has there been awakened such concentrated attention to one portion of the earth and its inhabitants. And never before has a single quarter of the globe given rise to such multifarious and perplexing problems.

Most prominent of these is the commercial question. Akin to this is the industrial question. The political status of the Far East vitally concerns all the so-styled Great Powers, and, to a lesser degree, the other nations. The frequent reference to the “ Yellow Peril ” indicates that problems of the races are yet to be solved. The missionary spirit of Christendom is more heartily enlisted in this than in any other field.

The recent surprising military triumphs of the Japanese have given that people the present hegemony of eastern Asia; but the destiny of that great region may be more bound up in the future transformation of China, with its multitudinous, homogeneous, and indestructible race. Coupled with the development of these two great empires, there are other questions more or less intimately related to their future. Most prominent of these is the rivalry of Great Britain and Russia, involving the Afghanistan frontier and the suzerainty of Tibet. Outlying questions are the predominating influence in Persia, Germany’s recent masterful interest in the helpless but incorrigible Turk, and the control of the Persian Gulf.

All of these matters are noticed or discussed in the volumes under review. The Reshaping of the Far East is one of the most readable and valuable books which have appeared in recent years. Under the nom de plume of “ Putnam-Weale,” an official of the Chinese foreign customs service gives the result of his manifestly careful study of Chinese history, and his observation during a residence in and extensive travels through Central and Northern China. His travels also cover Japan and Korea. The greater part of the work is in the narrative style, with the charm and piquancy which made his Manchu and Muscovite so popular.

The chapters on Kiaochow show the German occupation of China in a most unenviable and disreputable light. The review of the Russo-Japanese war, the Japanese administration in Korea, and his prognostications as to the political conditions in Asia are necessarily imperfect, because he finished his work before the great naval victory in the Japan Sea, the Treaty of Portsmouth, and the new Anglo-Japanese treaty of alliance.

Mr. Crosby, in his Tibet and Turkestan, carries us through a portion of Central Asia little known, but very interesting, as his journey is told by the author. The narrative is particularly attractive and valuable wherein he brings out the rival relations of the Russians and British in that out-of-the-way region of the world, with the Chinese of Turkestan and the Tibetans. As he approached Tibet through Russian territory, he would naturally have the Czar’s side of the controversy favorably presented to him, and his condemnation of the British domination of Tibet and the Younghusband expedition is most sweeping.

No more interesting and useful narratives of travel have appeared in recent years than the series produced by William Eleroy Curtis. He has had exceptional training for his chosen field of labor, both as a successful journalist and as a prominent official of the government of the United States. With his experience as an author in almost every other country of the earth, he could not fail in India, so marvelously fruitful in interesting and instructive topics. While his Modern India is all-embracing in its scope, it presents, in conjunction with its companion volume cited in the note, an excellent picture of British influence and power in the East. The two chapters on the Afghanistan Frontier and on the Invasion of Tibet may be profitably read, in connection with Mr. Crosby’s book, as giving the British side of those questions.

No person in the last decade could speak with more authority or with more general acceptance on Chinese matters than Hon. Charles Denby. An able lawyer and an accomplished diplomat, he filled the post of United States Minister at Peking with distinguished honor and usefulness for thirteen years, and retired in 1898 with the high respect and confidence of the Chinese authorities and of all foreign residents. At the time of his death in 1904 he was engaged in the preparation for publication of his Observations, Reminiscences, and Conclusions, which have just appeared, although in a somewhat incomplete state, in China and her People. It must be accepted as the most authoritative of late contributions to the literature on Chinese affairs, and is especially valuable in its observations on political topics.

The excuse which the author of John Chinaman at Home gives for adding another to the large library of books on China already extant, quite correctly stated, is that “things Chinese are so many and so complicated that there is room for every independent inquirer and observer. 舤 He furnishes a readable book, without notable characteristics, cumulative of the great volume of useful material now available for a study of what General Lord Wolseley regards as “the most remarkable race on earth . . . the great coming rulers of the world.”

Miss Carl’s book, With the Empress Dowager, reveals one of the most important steps in the transformation now going on in that giant empire. For ages past the Chinese people have regarded their ruler, “the Son of Heaven,” as so sacred that no ordinary subject could look upon his countenance, that even the highest state officials could not appear in his presence without prostrations, and could hold converse with him only on their knees and with downcast eyes. But the events of the last ten years have swept away almost the last vestige of the exclusive sacredness of the imperial ruler.

The Empress Dowager Tsi-An has been for more than a quarter of a century the real ruler of China. Minister Denby styles her “one of the greatest characters in history, ranking with Semiramis and Catherine.” Mr. “Weale ” speaks of her as “the baneful strong woman ... of masterful character.” Personal daily intercourse with this remarkable woman and sovereign is the subject of Miss Carl’s book. Through the influence and interposition of Mrs. Conger, wife of the late American Minister to China, Miss Carl was engaged to paint the portrait of the Dowager Empress, and in execution of this task she was admitted to the imperial palace within the precincts of the Forbidden City, and was her frequent companion, aside from the artistic intercourse. The author had some misgivings as to the manner in which the Empress Dowager would receive the publication of her book, but late information from Peking reports her Majesty as greatly delighted with it. Another artist has since painted her portrait, and her photograph is now exposed for sale in the news-stands of the Chinese cities.

Various influences have combined to bring about this significant change in the imperial palace, but the greatest of these has been the personal intercourse of the tactful and warm-hearted wife of the American Minister. What two generations of diplomats and the armies and navies of the Western powers have failed to accomplish has in large measure been achieved by one gentle Christian woman. Chatting over a cup of tea, and familiar intercourse with one of her sex who knew how to use her opportunities, have opened a new world to this once “baneful strong woman.” She has already traversed the allotted Scriptural span of life, and her reign may not long continue, but in the future it will hardly be marked by the severities and summary cruelties of the past.

This review naturally suggests some reflections upon the events and countries of which it treats. Japan is now the predominant figure in any general consideration of the Far East. Its recent military and naval achievements have given it a place among the Great Powers of the world, as is evidenced by the acceptance of its ambassadors by these Powers. It will doubtless address itself to the new situation created by those achievements. It will seek to improve the fresh fields opened to its people in Korea, Manchuria, and Sakhalien, as well as the enlarged opportunities in China. We may look for a quickening of its manufacturing interests, the extension of its foreign trade, and the growth of its already large commercial marine.

The effects of the war must be apparent in the future position of Russia in that quarter of the globe. The loss of its prestige as the great military power will give a check to Russian aggression in Asia. A day of reckoning may come to Japan, but it must be a long way off. China will have courage to face its northern neighbor as never before. The nightmare of a Cossack advance through Afghanistan or along the Persian Gulf, which has disturbed the British rulers of India, has vanished.

Next to the peace of Portsmouth, the most momentous event for Asia of the past year was the renewal and enlargement of the Anglo-Japanese treaty of alliance, which now assumes the character of both an offensive and a defensive compact. So long as it exists it should assure the peace of the Eastern world. It should be particularly gratifying to us, because its terms are in line with the attitude of the United States as to the “open door” and the preservation of the autonomy of China.

The latter country is the one in the East destined to attract most insistently the attention of the world for the next few years. It is manifestly entering upon a period of transformation, which, let us hope, will prove to be regeneration. The Imperial Commissions recently sent to our country, and to the leading nations of Europe, to study their institutions, with a view to introducing reforms in the ancient system of China, are an indication that the central government participates with its people in the spirit of reform. How far it will be able to control and direct the unrest which is manifesting itself remains to be seen. The reform movement may work itself out in peaceful methods, as in Japan, or it may progress through violence and disorder, as in Russia.

The first and most urgent need of the empire is the power to maintain its existence and enforce its authority in all its domain. This can be met only by a well-organized and disciplined army. A long step has already been taken in that direction. Mr. “ Weale ” estimates that the Viceroy of the metropolitan province, Yuan Shi Kai, has already equipped, drilled, and placed on a modern military basis an army of seventy-five thousand men, of all arms of the service. The viceroys of the Yang-Tse Valley and Central China have approximately as many more. Arsenals of large capacity are established in different parts of the empire. He states that one hundred and fifty Chinese graduates of foreign military schools are giving instruction in the army or in Chinese military schools, and that four thousand young Chinese are at present attending these schools.

There occurred in northern China a few weeks ago the manœuvres of a portion of Yuan Shi Kai’s forces. An army of twenty thousand men placed themselves in position to defend Peking against another army about equal in numbers advancing from the south. The military attachés of the legations at Peking, who had been accustomed in the past to treat Chinese military manoeuvres as a joke, were invited to witness these movements. The London Times representative, who had been its military correspondent with the Japanese army in Manchuria, closed a lengthy report of the manœuvres, of which he spoke in the highest terms, as follows: —

“Foreigners went to Ho-chien-fu to a picnic, and, incidentally, to witness a military parade, half-comic, half-pathetic. They returned to Peking declaring they had seen a modern army, and averring that they had assisted at a display momentous and epoch-making in the history of the Far East.”

The public press has recently announced that our Secretary of War is mobilizing a part of the American army at Manila, in order to have near at hand a force ready again to enter China to repress disorder and protect our citizens. If such a contingency should occur in Central or North China, it may be that Secretary Taft will be met by intelligence from Peking that the task of repressing disorders will be attended to by the imperial government, and that the invasion of Chinese soil will no longer be permitted.

While I write, the local press reports the call at the White House of a returned American missionary, who gives the President the following advice: —

“Any display of generosity will be construed by the Chinese as fear. For instance, the report circulated about a year ago that the United States was going to return to China a large part of the indemnity was interpreted as fear on the part of this country. The firmer we act with China, the more friendly she will become.”

Such a belligerent, tone from a follower of the Prince of Peace seems quite out of harmony with the announced policy of the late lamented Secretary of State, of the observance of the “Golden Rule” in our diplomacy. The Christian powers exacted from prostrate China in 1901 a crushing indemnity of 450,000,000 taels, the share of the United States being about $25,000,000. When the losses of Americans from the Boxer outbreak came to be adjudicated, the total amount fell short of $2,000,000. Secretary Hay’s sense of justice revolted at the idea of extorting from China $23,000,000 to which we had no equitable right, and it is understood that he advised the President to release China from further payment on this account.

Such a course would be in harmony with the policy pursued in the past by our government in its relations with that country; but, not to our credit, it must be confessed, it has not met with the approval of most American residents there, who too largely share in the prevailing sentiment of Europeans, calling for a harsh and exacting treatment of China. Mr. Weale severely criticises this conduct of the United States as sentimental and unwise, and he would have us adopt the more rigorous policy of the European governments.

Support for such a change of policy on our part is sought in the spirit of unrest which has been created by the transformation through which China is now passing, and the fear that Americans may again be put in peril by mob violence. Such fear seems well founded, as it is very possible that in isolated cases the antiforeign spirit may get the better of the local authorities; but I do not anticipate another uprising similar to the Boxer outbreak.

On the other hand, we should remember that China is not the only country where mob violence occasionally paralyzes authority. The Chinese Minister, in an address delivered in Chicago in January last, made the following statement: “More Chinese subjects have been murdered by mobs in the United States during the last twenty-five years than all the Americans who have been murdered in China by similar riots.... In every instance where Americans have suffered from mobs the authorities have made reparation for the losses, and rarely has the punishment of death failed to be inflicted upon the guilty offenders. On the other hand, I am sorry to say that I cannot recall a single instance where the penalty of death has been visited on any member of the mobs in the United States guilty of the death of Chinese, and in only two instances of mob violence out of many has indemnity been paid by the authorities for the losses sustained by the Chinese.”

Confronted as we are by such a record, our government and people should be somewhat considerate, and exercise a measurable degree of forbearance respecting mob violence from which Americans may suffer in China, while that country is in the throes of a new birth, when its people are oppressed and irritated by the new taxation occasioned by the Boxer indemnity, and when they are smarting under the outrages on their territory and their persons.