The Wrong of Slavery, the Right of Emancipation, and the Future of the African Race in the United States
By . Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co. 12mo.
“BOOK, Sir, book ? It’s the title!” This is the reputed saying of Longman, the publisher, when asked for the key to bookselling. It is a pity that Mr. Owen’s book has so cumbrous a name to carry ; for everything else about it is compact and portable. Few American works on statistics or political economy possess either brevity or an index, and this combines both treasures. “In this small volume, which a busy man may read in a few hours,” the author condenses an immense deal, — and it is a blessed sign, if a man who has been in Congress can still be so economical of words. If bis brother Congressmen would only imitate his precious example, what a blessed hope I How gladly would one subscribe for the “ Congressional Globe,” with the assurance that it would henceforth he the only tedious book in his library, that all the chaff would hereafter be safely winnowed into that, and all the sense put into conrfortable little duodecimos like this !
Mr. Owen’s opportunities, as Chairman of the American Freedmen’s Commission, have been very great, and he has used them well. The history of slavery and the slave-trade, — the practical consequences of both,—the constitutionality of emancipation,— the present condition of the freed slaves, and their probable future,— ail this ground is comprehended within two hundred and fifty pages. The points last named have, of course, the most immediate value, and his treatment of these is exceedingly manly and sensible. He shows conclusively that the whole demeanor of the freed slaves has done them infinite credit, and that the key to their successful management is simply to treat them with justice. That this justice includes equal rights of citizenship he fully asserts, and states the gist of the matter in one of the most telling paragraphs of the book. “ God, who made the liberation of the negro the condition under which alone we could succeed in this war, has now, in His providence, brought about a position of things under which it would seem that a full recognition of that negro’s rights as a citizen becomes indispensable to stability of government in peace.” For, as Mr. Owen shows, even if under any other circumstances we might excuse ourselves for delaying the recognition of the freedman’s right to suffrage, because of his ignorance and inexperience, yet it would be utterly disastrous to do so now, when two-thirds of the white population will remain disloyal, even when conquered. We cannot safely reorganize a republican government on the basis of one-sixth of its population, and shall be absolutely compelled to avail ourselves of that additional three-sixths which is loyal and black. Fortunately, as a matter of fact, there are no obstacles to the citizenship of the Southern negro greater than those in the way of the average foreign immigrant. The emancipated negro is at least as industrious and thrifty as the Celt, takes more pride in self-support, is far more eager for education, and has fewer vicesIt is impossible to name any standard of requisites for the full rights of citizenship which will give a vote to the Celt and exclude the negro.
Much as has been written on this point, Mr. Owen has yet some astonishing facts to contribute. He shows, for instance, by the official statements, that, amidst the great distress produced in the city of St. Louis at the beginning of the war, by the gathering of white and black refugees from all parts of the State, when ten thousand persons received public aid, only two out of that whole vast number were of negro blood. These two were all who applied, one being lame, the other bedridden, and both women. He shows, upon similar authority, that the free colored people of Louisiana, under serious civil disabilities, are, on the average, richer, by seven and a half per cent., than the people of the Northern States. Their average wealth in 1860 was five hundred and twenty dollars, while the average wealth in the loyal Free States is only four hundred and eighty-four dollars. Such facts show how utterly gratuitous is the frequent assumption that the emancipated slave does not sufficiently know the value of a dollar.
Upon some disputed points Mr. Owen does not, perhaps, make his facts quite cover his inferences, as, for instance, on the vexed question of the vigor and vitality of the mulatto, upon which the more extended observations of the last three years have as yet shed little light. It is the same with the whole obscure problem of amalgamation; indeed, he slips into an absolute contradiction, in pronouncing judgment rather too hastily here. “ I believe,” he says, “ that the effect of general emancipation will be to discourage amalgamation. It is rare in Canada.” (p. 219.) But, however it may be in Canada, he has already admitted, four pages before, that “ the proportion of mulattoes among the free colored is much greater than among the slaves,” which is, doubtless, true, except, perhaps, in a few large cities of the South. It is a subject of common remark that the Southern colored regiments are generally of far darker complexion than those recruited at the North, and this is inexplicable except on the supposition that freedom, even more than slavery, tends thus far to amalgamation. What further step in reasoning this suggests, it is, fortunately, not needful to inquire ; like all other mysteries of human destiny, this will safely work itself out. It is not for nothing that the black man thrives in contact with the white, while the red man dies ; and there certainly are practical anxieties enough to last us for a month or two, without borrowing any from the remoter future.